samedi 4 février 2012

France / Rwanda: Genocide of Tutsi in Rwanda. A French judge against another (and Africans in all this?)


Wednesday, April 6, 1994. Night falls on Kigali.

 
Above the airport runway Gregoire Kayibanda, a small plane begins its landing approach. This is the Falcon 50 of Juvenal Habyarimana, a personal gift of François Mitterrand, who also made available a French crew made up of drivers Jacky Heraud and Jean-Pierre Minaberry and flight engineer Jean-Michel Perrine. Rwandan President returned from Dar es-Salaam. There he worked at a regional summit which had urged his counterparts to implement the peace agreements with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) eight months earlier. For a long time he dithered, indeed, for he is well aware of the fierce hostility of the extremists in his camp while sharing power with those they call the Inyenzi hatefully, cockroaches, namely the Tutsi political movement Militaryof Paul Kagame.


Flames engulf the President of Rwanda and his counterpart of Burundi Cyprien Ntaryamira.

 
Convinced also unable to control the new Transitional National Assembly of 70 members, he is afraid of having to answer to the many targeted political assassinations and mass killings committed during his reign, under his orders or with the endorsement, especially since the outbreak of war on 1st October 1990. Habyarimana, at the head of his country since the coup of July 1973, so knows when his plane preparing to land in Rwanda that he took great risks in Tanzania and how rotten the weather expected home. He is far from suspecting that he remains a few minutes to live. A first missile missed the aircraft, immediately followed by a second, which transforms into it in a huge fireball. Its flames, which engulfed the president of Rwanda, Burundi counterpart Cyprien Ntaryamira and of all other passengers, shall not lapse until July 4th, the day of the capture of Kigali by the forces of General Kagame. 

This is the signal of what will soon call the Hundred Days of Rwanda. The macabre calculation is done quickly: from April 6 to July 4, 1994, between each dawn and each dusk, ten thousand innocent people were beheaded, thrown into the Nyabarongo, offered as food to dogs suddenly become as fierce and bloodthirsty than their masters, shot, dismembered, raped, burned alive, buried alive or thrown into septic tanks, all amidst sneers of mothers, fathers of families and kids laughing.  Even if, as they say, comparison is not reason - in this particular area - you can not help noticing that the human cost of the Tutsi genocide equivalent to eleven months of continuous attacks against the World Trade Center New York, that is to say an attack a day between October 2000 and September 2001 ...

That is why historians are interested in Rwandan tragedy ...

 
Judging from the reactions provoked very different in the world by the Tutsi genocide and the 3.000 deaths of "Nine eleven" American Life has not at all the same value as that is a poor country or powerful. It is not surprising, therefore, that the UN, rather than strengthen its military presence in the early killings, instead has chosen this precise moment, certainly the worst, to withdraw from Rwanda nine-tenths of its 2.500 Helmets blue. It has facilitated the implementation of a "Final Solution" planned in detail by politicians of limited intelligence and brutal methods. These people were foolish enough to tell their constituents: "Go into the streets, go through the hills, go into the houses and cut with a machete that you consider all those different from you!" 

That is why historians who were interested in the Rwandan crisis without ideological bias they could never find the slightest excuse. But this courageous lucidity is not the best thing in the world shared, far from it. The fact is that many journalists, writers and politicians, especially French, only listen to their negrophobia, diffuse or militant when they come to talk about Rwanda.The curious thing is that the views of these experts used the Tutsi genocide are often more trenches they know almost nothing of the subject.  
I remember such a clash in 2007 at a cafe in Guadalajara with a French novelist named Patrick Deville, very shocked, shocked even, to hear me challenge the thesis of the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana by the current Kigali regime. 
 Through the exchanges, I found no real surprise that the man knew nothing of Rwanda, a country where deep down he had never set foot no interest in any way, but he there was not in his mind a doubt about the guilt of Kagame. And why not? We are sorry to say: because the accuser is a French judge, white, and the accused an African head of state, black.

"The denial to the French"

 
This racism is clearly primary in the heart of the denial of genocide of Tutsi by some Westerners. What about the Africans themselves. So what? Will be discussed further. In truth, racism and denial always walk the same pace. So can anyone deny the existence of gas chambers only from strong anti-Semitic beliefs. In the case of Rwanda also, we are dealing with a spontaneous denial of humanity, but still almost always ashamed of itself, nestled in the darkest recesses of the human soul.  

They are legion, Western intellectuals who insist that their Africa, an Africa imagined, remains a land of paradoxes and enigmas, both creepy and sip of light, exalted and sleepy, shared a love of life and unbridled darkest passions. In this open space to emotions so diverse and varied, each made his market and one soon tires of counting nonsense learnedly distilled heard sighs and smiles from the corner, by each other.
Stephen Smith* made Africa "the natural paradise of cruelty", the hilarious Pierre Pean*, hiding behind such colonial author, sees the Tutsi race plagued by a "culture of lies" and so contagious that in contact, the Hutu eventually become "liars by impregnation" (sic!). Rather than being ostracized by their corporation after remarks as outrageous, the two journalists have instead kept intact their status as experts of the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda. 
The report commissioned by Trévidic - which lends credibility to the strong argument that the liquidated Habyarimana Hutu Power to make possible the genocide - has visibly knocked up Smith, Pean and their ilk, but this should not overshadow all the suffering that they have inflicted on survivors for so long.  
"The denial to the French" - the phrase is Mehdi Ba * - also available in "light" version, as in the discrete and insidious Jean Hatzfeld *. The author of "In the bare life" describes, impassive, terrible atrocities and then suddenly realizes that he must still say, before wrapping his trilogy, a word of the causes of such an orgy of hatred . Hatzfeld and now gliding among the antelopes strategy a chapter entitled "Visions of Black Africa", chapter of the same prejudices rife on the continent, he does not even have the courage to take on his own.

"Visions of Black Africa"

 
It is also much talk these days in the media and Claudine Vidal and André Guichaoua*, who chuckle colleagues despite the extreme gravity of the subject. It is now established that these two scholars benefitted Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere of their "enlightenment", and second, Guichaoua, has cracked a big book (Rwanda, war, genocide) in your ostensibly neutral but was mainly written to wearing the RPF responsibility for the attack of 6 April 1994. Unfortunately for him, it is the weakest part of a book where he simply repeats the extravagances of Ruzibiza *, besides income between time of his statements to Bruguiere. We finally discovered that the French judge, decidedly Box, has been throughout its investigation what might be called a third "scientific advisor" secret Belgian historian Filip Reyntjens *.The latter's role was highlighted in very strong terms by Mr. Bernard Maingain, a lawyer for the Rwandan government, which has not hesitated to cry at a press conference: "How to Judge Bruguiere and his team have failed to vet the backgrounds and interests of Mr. Reyntjens in Rwanda? How could they ignore the fact that Mr. Reyntjens * participated in the drafting of the Constitution which endorsed the apartheid system in Rwanda during the Habyarimana regime? " 

There are more serious, for me to keep going Maingain and Reyntjens indirectly responsible for the physical removal of Habyarimana Rwandan politicians of good will engaged in quiet negotiations in Belgium to bring peace to their country. It is hardly necessary to mention such a lawyer in Minnesota or the "Works" Cameroonian Charles Onana * and Canadian  Robin Philpot*.

The partiality of Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere.

 
Each of these authors contributed in one way or another, his small building block denial. However it would have been hard pressed to stand without Judge Bruguiere. He deserves that one stops on his profile and his actions. While no one has ever believed in his infallibility, he spent at least one professional integrity. Well, that judge benched by revelations of infamy increasingly overwhelming, we now appears in the guise of an individual torch, and unworthy ambitions incredibly dwarfed moral and political issues of his investigation. Refusing to go to Rwanda or to appraise the debris of the Falcon 50, Bruguiere has systematically instructed to load in this case.This is particularly secured the services of an interpreter-translator Rwanda provided by the notorious ex-police captain Paul Barril, another of his "coaches" occult.  

Barril, an expert on dirty tricks of any kind, is reported in Kigali two days before the attack of 6 April, and then seen prowling around the wreckage of the aircraft in late June and produce genocide in "The World" and "France 2", as in a magic trick, a fake black box.What kind of a person interprets as questionable, also the official business of Habyarimana's widow, could he offer Bruguière? Well, the one he fourgué, some Singaye Fabien, is a former informant of Habyarimana, but also a friend and business associate of Jean-Luc, son of the late dictator and a civil party to the proceedings; Singaye, diplomat expelled from Switzerland in 1994 because of his ties to the genocidal regime, is also the son of Felicien Kabuga, rightly dubbed "the financier of the genocide" and to Kenya since the debacle. One can easily imagine how Singaye translated for Bruguiere, who does not understand Kinyarwanda, the testimony of his accomplice Abdul Ruzibiza.Anyway, these witnesses Bruguière, contradictory and fanciful, have almost all retracted. I mentioned in one of my books (Africa beyond the mirror) the account given by Releasing a hearing Ruzibiza. Bruguiere threatens to expel it does not say what, to him, desperate to hear.It is also mentioned in the same article the right to asylum in Norway that he had arranged the French secret services, also organizers of the exfiltration of Kampala. From there to think that he dictated each sentence of his testimony ...In summary, the bias of Jean-Louis Bruguiere is not a doubt. It remains to know his motives. Reading the cables Wikileaks allows to make at least a small idea. It reveals, among other interesting information, an account of his conversations with diplomats from the U.S. Embassy in Paris. He told them he notably led his entire investigation on Rwanda in consultation with the Elysée - the time of Chirac - and adds that he is determined to punish Paul Kagame, a little too pro-American for his taste.The judge, who is a patriot, can not stand is accused France of having been so resolutely on the side of genocide. Definitely in a confidential mood that day, avenue Gabriel, in the eighth arrondissement, he admits to being tempted by a seat at the Palais Bourbon and states that, on balance, his ultimate dream is to become the French Minister of Justice. All this is incredible, but it can be found in black and white, spring could not be more reliable ...
 Reading these reports ultra-confidential diplomats has the merit of the rest to refresh our memory. And suddenly we remember the promises of ministerial Chirac to the judge but also the political ambitions of the latter clearly displayed. Bruguiere did it not in fact presented to the legislative elections of June 2007 on the UMP list in the Lot-et-Garonne? Unsuccessfully, of course. 

Weird guy that Bruguiere.
 
Despised by all, he has managed to become MP or minister or let alone make a pariah of Paul Kagame. What could such a man think of himself in his twilight years? But it is likely that Bruguiere, used sensitive cases, does not care for these small wounds self-esteem. He took over the case of the monks of Tiber and of the attack in Karachi that killed 11 French in 2002. It seems to be illustrated so unflattering because, according to the daily Libération on 16 June 2010 he had been "accused by the victims' families, represented by Olivier Morice, perjury and obstruction of the exercise of justice." Bruguiere would have simply removed the autopsy report tending to disprove the official account of the French state. He faced five years in prison for the first count and three years for the second, but, according to some sources, the complaint has been dismissed in because of his immunity. So the person who has violated, with almost universal approval, the honor of a country and managed to weigh so heavily on reading the last genocide of the twentieth century. However Bruguière especially insulting the memory of those executed in Rwanda giving credence to the idea that responsibility for their own destruction, they are not really worthy of compassion. After two decades of lies, the work of mourning can finally begin in serenity for survivors. It's not too early, but it's not nothing either.

Disarray of junk analysts.

 
When it comes to famous Never Again, due diligence must extend beyond the crime itself, all components of the cycle of genocide. It is therefore essential to know how such a gross manipulation has flourished for almost twenty years. Everything so far relied on the theory of spontaneous anger of the Hutu masses after the death of their leader but the situation has changed dramatically. Nobody will dare to use such an argument after the publication of the expert report submitted to Trevidic. He plunged into dismay of some analysts that cheap are reduced today to suggest, as Christopher Boisbouvier of R.F.I., an R.P.F. commando was, after all, the seep Kanombe, watch for it Falcon 50 hours to the job and then disappear, experienced or seen in nature! Nobody is naturally bothered to refute such a distressing about childishness.The explanation of the genocide by a single attack is anyway an admission in good and due form, which needs no comment. It is true that the crime was so spectacular that it would have been futile to deny its reality. So, it was firing on all cylinders. But it must be totally out of arguments or almost mad for daring to declare before the world: "Sorry, we killed a million Tutsis because their leader has provoked us by killing our president." 

Most disturbing, however, is that so many African scholars have endorsed this speech, openly or tacitly. We live in times quite bizarre today, just to the first comer to impute the worst monstrosities any African political leader for that immediately, from Dakar to Maputo, moult columnists and other "thinkers" began to just blame it on the bloodthirsty dictator. Why this reluctance to evaluate on a case by case, the data available policies before making a religion? Absence of such a spirit of inquiry on an issue as serious as the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, has much to do with what might be called self-hatred. Without the tenacity and strength of character of Paul Kagame, we would still be accused of being the organizer of the genocide while it is he who is terminated without any help from anyone and especially not giving lessons, some of whom were accomplices of the killers.

Negrophobia and Afro-pessimism sleep in the same bed.

 
The party was not, however, because Kagame won for the fables of his enemies were validated in advance by the poor reputation of African politicians, deemed cruel by definition, insignificant and folk. Thus there enough to outline the head of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, bit by bit, the portrait of the typical African tyrant that the case be heard: we do not fight with words against an image. 

Negrophobia mentioned above and Afro-pessimism as it were asleep in bed together and mutually supportive. If it is so important to take into account the facts is that no person shall be guilty or innocent a priori. These are real events, at least what we can learn, that should inform our judgment.Rwanda is, in this regard, a case study. Paul Kagame had even less chance of a fair trial by his fellow Africans that the accusation against him was amplified by Western intellectuals whose words, even delusional, is always sacred.It would only have never heard of if Bruguière, even in Africa, his file had been scrutinized by the judges, journalists and historians. There is a vacuum of space and, knowing full well, the judge would not have ventured to scheming as shocking. It would surely have understood alone the need to calm down.What, then, in this investigation, the historically established facts which deserve to be considered?First, Hutu extremists have so often betrayed that there was no need for a commission of experts to conclude that their responsibility for the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana. We must also say they have been unlucky from the very first seconds: Rwandan president's plane crashed in the gardens of their own home, always protected by his presidential guard. This simple twist of fate makes futile any speculation on the black box of the Falcon 50, which is always pretends to look after eighteen years. Who do we want to believe therefore that it is easier to find the black box of Flight 447 Rio de Janeiro to Paris in the vastness of the Atlantic Ocean that to get your hands on that of a plane crash in a small garden in Kigali? In all likelihood, the planners of the genocide and their allies destroyed or still hiding the instrument that would quickly confused. For the record, one of the first to arrive at the crash site was a Commander Gregory of Saint-Quentin. Become general, he is now the boss of the French forces based in Dakar. In Senegal, only the Independence Party and Labour (P.I.T.) has been moved by the presence on our soil of an officer strongly suspected of collusion with the Rwandan genocide. 
In normal situations, outlandish statements, already mentioned, witnesses of Bruguiere, were sufficient in themselves to undermine his thesis. One example has claimed that Rose Kabuye had hosted three members of the commando in his room at the CND, the former Transitional Parliament. Judge Bruguiere has not even felt obliged to check whether the room in question was large enough for that, that judges will Trévidic and Lice in 2010. Another witness, Ruzibiza, author of the book boasts a preface to the university Claudine Vidal (CNRS / EHESS) and an afterword by Guichaoua * - we'll forgive the little! - Describes in detail how the attack to properly convince the judge that there is directly involved.

The genocidal acted openly.

 
When someone accuses, spontaneously, to have contributed to the deaths of twelve people including two heads of state in office and three French citizens, the least we can do is not she ask him at least remain at the disposal of justice?  Well, this is not the opinion of Bruguiere that left him entirely free to leave Norway.If it is a genocide in which architects and performers acted openly, it is that the Tutsi in Rwanda in 1994. 

Articles of Hassan Ngeze in Kangura exits inflamed Radio-Television Libre des Mille Collines (R.T.L.M.), the torturers have always made very clear their plan to annihilate the Tutsi. November 22, 1992, seventeen months before the attack of 6 April, Mugesera asks the crowd, he suspects of being lukewarm, "Why does not stop there not those parents who sent their children and why not exterminate them there not? Why does not stop there not people taking them and why did exterminate them we not all? Do we expect that this is actually the ones who come to exterminate us?" He added: "He to whom you do not cut the neck is the one who will cut." Mugesera extradited last week from Canada to Rwanda, has been even more specific on the occasion of this speech inviting his followers to lay the corpses of Tutsi in the waters of Nyabarongo. This was done because no one has forgotten the horrific pictures of tens of thousands of bodies carried away by the same river.

The planned character of the genocide.

 
Another proof of the planned genocide is the defection of the famous "Jean-Pierre", responsible for training the militia killers of the presidential party, the Interahamwe. Realizing that what is coming is totally crazy, he decides to secretly warn Canadian General Romeo Dallaire,* Commander of UNAMIR ("UN Mission for Assistance to Rwanda"). In January 1994, he reveals in particular that his men have been specifically trained in time to eliminate 1,000 Tutsi every 20 minutes and shows the exact places where weapons are stored for distribution to the population-Day. Dallaire soon plans to mount an operation to dismantle arms caches: it is halted by its leaders to the UN, including Kofi Annan, who give the order to the contrary, downright surreal, to share information with Rwandan President. It is also known as the massacres began, according to a specific agenda, the elimination of thousands of moderate Hutu politicians. Between 1990 and 1994, they had already paid a heavy tribute to the will of the regime's hardliners Habyarimana, the Hutu Power, to get rid of the Tutsi and their Hutu supposed accomplices, the Ibiyitso. He certainly did not break out any minute and the other iconic image here that speaks for itself: a farmer who takes his machete in his right hand, transistor stuck to his left ear. He listens carefully to the instructions of those coordinating the killings, racist music of Bikindi we will loop gives her heart into it, he hears the broadcasters of R.T.L.M. to indicate the locations where the highest concentration of Tutsi to be eliminated but also the areas where he should hasten to go "to work" because many potential victims are looking for them to cross the border, to Burundi or Tanzania for example.

November 1, 1959 or the Rwandan Toussaint.

 
And, last but not least, this seems to me absolutely fundamental: the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda has not started a few hours after the attack of 6 April 1994, but thirty five years ago, exactly on 1 November 1959. This is called the initial massacre "Toussaint Rwanda", in parallel with the "Toussaint Algeria", the FLN (National Liberation Front) that triggered its armed struggle on 1 November 1954. He must know that in Rwanda, from that fateful day, the Tutsis never had any right to relief. Systematically marginalized because of their alleged ethnicity, they were killed in the thousands or tens of thousands at the slightest pretext. This is so that by 1964, Bertrand Russell, mathematician and philosopher, Nobel Prize for Literature in 1950, initiator of "Courts against the Vietnam War" and immense moral authority in its time, sounding the alarm and calls unambiguously the events in Rwanda as "the most horrible massacres and systematic human beings to which we have witnessed since the extermination of Jews by the Nazis." Similarly, despite the proven involvement of so many religious in the 1994 genocide, one must not forget that in the same sixties, Vatican Radio uses the same word - genocide - to characterize the anti Tutsi killings in Rwanda.Pogroms in Bugesera and in Bagogwe, between 1990 and 1994 were very visibly signs of the determination of Hutu extremists to go through with their logic of extermination of some of their compatriots. It is incomprehensible again, given all the above, that Rwanda faced in such a great loneliness of the powerful machine denier.The lack of solidarity from other African countries was already evident when, during its summit in June 1994 in Tunis, right in the genocide, the Organization of African Unity has not even felt obliged to place the issue on its agenda.And now the conclusion can only be filled with bitterness: it's a French judge, Jean-Louis Bruguiere, who has unfairly tarnished the reputation of the Kigali regime and what are the other two French judges, Marc Trevidic and Nathalie Poux, more honest and rigorous, which have put things in order.Have they been drawn conclusions on the continent? Nothing is less certain.  

In Dakar, a "Union of Rwandan nationals in Senegal" (URRS) distills the pretext of working for reconciliation, the poison of negation and division during his press conferences regularly sheltered by the African Assembly for the Defense of Human Rights (RADDHO).It is not easy to explain such complacency. One could argue that the premises of this structure are open to the voiceless. It would be too easy an excuse for the remarks that we are heard, a few days ago had a rather militant tone. January 25, 2012 welcoming the umpteenth press conference of URRS, the RADHO. has indeed taken over, even more radical and grotesque that his hosts, the rewriting of recent political history of Rwanda. We heard particular praise its representative survey Bruguiere and stated emphatically that the expert report submitted to the judges Trévidic Lice and had probably written at the Elysee, on behalf of the Franco-Rwandan diplomatic rapprochement. As the opponent Ingabire, on trial for Holocaust denial in Rwanda, divisionism and support the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) - an armed rebellion and lawless, heiress claims Interahamwe - the same speaker has presented with candor as a courageous opponent detained "arbitrarily", ie without cause.

All this makes you wonder ...

 
RADDHO knows that Ingabire is that the political figure intended to give a veneer of respectability to the FDLR, whose Executive Secretary Callixte Mbarushimana, although released by the International Criminal Court, is accused of genocide in France where he is under judicial review. We would have preferred to hear RADDHO comment on the case Mugesera is still the heart of the news or the fact that an increasing number are now fleeing genocidal America and Europe, for fear of being extradited to Rwanda, and seek refuge in African countries, preferably French. They feel safer than anywhere else on earth and it is certainly no coincidence. This is a major turning point which makes it imperative public debate, calm and rational, the attitude of RADDHO. Topics to be discussed are very serious and their stakes are high.It is here in Senegal, has been arrested November 27, 2001 Simba, aka "the butcher of Murambi."  He became a character in my novel because I often found his name in my research on the famous massacre of Murambi Technical School in a few days causing the deaths of at least 45,000 Tutsis.


Historic fracture of the twentieth century.

 
Well, I never thought that Simba was peacefully installed in Thies, where he also enjoyed the protection of an organization that defends human rights, other than RADDHO, it is true. Without an explicit request for  Carla del Ponte*, former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, there would flow still good times ... 

That should not he give us pause?Beyond its atrocities and its magnitude, the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda was in Africa's most significant political event of the twentieth century, a true "historic divide", and it is simply inconceivable that if treated with an unbearable lightness. It is even less acceptable at a time when Holocaust denial is literally at bay.While it is true, as just remind the historian and political scientist Helen Dumas Stephen Smith, that judges do not write history, new legal developments change completely while reading the Hundred Days of Rwanda . It is the duty of all to consider to remove the executioners, so clever to disguise themselves as victims, any temptation to return to duty or other politicians, elsewhere on the continent, to learn from their fatal example.
______________________________________________
* Article by Boubacar Boris Diop published on Thiesvision.com, Saturday, January 28, 2012.

* Boubacar Boris Diop was born in 1946 in Dakar. Graduate Center of Science and Technology Information (ITSEF), he is a journalist, novelist, playwright and screenwriter. Technical Advisor to the Ministry of Culture and Professor of Literature and Philosophy at the University Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar.
He has authored include:
- Le temps de Tamango (The time-Tamango) (novel), L'Harmattan, Paris, 1981.
- Les tambours de la mémoire (The Drums of Memory) (novel), Nathan, Paris, 1987.
- Thiraoye, la terre rouge (Thiraoye, red earth) (play) L'Harmattan, Paris, 1990.
-Traces de la meute (Traces of the pack) (novel), L'Harmattan, Paris, 1993.
-Murambi, le livre des ossements (Murambi, the book of bones ) (within Fest'Africa), 2000.
-Le cavalier et son ombre (The rider and his shadow), (novel), Stock, Paris, 1997.
-Doomi-golo (small monkeys), (novel), Papyrus Publishing, Dakar, 2001.  

-Kaveena, l'impossible inocence (Kaveena, The impossible innocence), (novel), Ed Philippe Rey, Paris, 2004.  
-Négrophobie (Negrophobia) (in collaboration with FX Verschave Tobner and Odile), The Arena, Paris, 2005.
-Les chiens du crépuscule (The dogs of twilight) (novel), Ed Phillipe Rey, Paris, 2006,
-L'Afrique au-delà des miroirs (The Africa-beyond the mirrors), (novel), Editions Philippe Rey, Paris, 2007. In 2007.

Authors of works cited in the text:
* REYTJENS F., Rwanda. Three days that changed history, Brussels and Paris, 1996.


* SMITH S., Négrologie. Pourquoi l'Afrique meurt (Négrologie. Why Africa dies), Calmann-Levy, Paris, 2003.


* DALLAIRE R., Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda, Free Expression, Montreal, 2003.


* BA Mehdi, Rwanda. Un génocide français (Rwanda. A French Genocide), L'Esprit frappeur, Paris, 1997.

 
*GUICHAOUA A., (Rwanda. De la guerre au génocide. Les politiques criminelles au Rwanda (1990-1994) (Rwanda, the genocide of the war, criminal Policies in Rwanda (1990-1994)), La Découverte, Paris, 2005.


*HATZFELD J., In the bare life: Stories from Rwanda marshes, Seuil, Paris, 2000, Followed by: Une saison des machettes (A Season of machetes), Seuil, Paris, 2005.


* R. PHILPOT, ça ne s'est pas passé comment ça à Kigali (it does not happen like that in Kigali), Les Intouchables, Montreal, 2003. 

Followed by: Rwanda, crimes, lies and suppression of truth, Les Intouchables, Montreal, 2007.

* RUZIBIZA A. J., Rwanda :  L'histoire secrète (Rwanda, The Secret History), Editions du Panama, Paris, 2005.


* ONONA Ch., The Secrets of the Rwandan genocide: survey Mysteries of a President (with Deo Mushayidi) , Duboiris Editions, Paris, 2002.

Followed by: Ces tueurs Tutsi au coeur de la tragédie congolaise (These Tutsi killers in the heart of the Congolese tragedy), Duboiris, Paris, 2009.

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